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hsta_vargas- Getulio Dorneles Vargas (provisional president 1930-1934), fascist president 1934-1937, dictator 1937-1945, president 1951-1954)
hsta_juscelino - Juscelino Kubitschek (president 1956-1961)
hsta_ - Janio Quadros (president 1961)
hsta_ - Janio Quadros 2
hsta_goulart - Joao Goulart (president 1961-1964)
hsta_cb1965 - Castelo Branco with DeGaulle
hsta_cbranco - General Castelo Branco (president 1964-1967)
hsta_costasilva - General Costa e Silva (president 1967-1969)
hsta_medici - General Garrastazu Medici (president 1969-1974)
hsta_geisel - General Ernesto Geisel (president 1974-1979)
hsta_figueiredo - General Joao Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo (president 1979-1985)
hsta_jf1979 - Figueredo and the generals, 1979
hsta_tancredo - Tancredo Neves (born 1910, died 1985, prime minister 1961)
hsta_sarney - Jose Sarney (born 1930, president 1985-1990)
hsta_collor - Fernando Collor de Mello (born 1949, president 1990-1992)
hsta_chaves - Aureliano Chaves
hsta_acm - Antonio Carlos Magalhaes (ACM)
hsta_prestes - Luis Carlos Prestes (born 1898, died 1990)
hsta_brizola - Lionel Brizola (born 1922, died 2004)
hsta_jangobriz - Goulart (Jango) and Brizola
hsta_fhc - Fernando Henrique Cardoso (born 1931, president 1995-2002)
hsta_lula - Lula, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (born 1945, 2003-?)
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Bourgeois and military discontent, heightened by the Great Depression's impact on the Brazilian economy, led to bloodless coup d'état on October 24 October 24 is the 297th day of the year (298th in leap years) in the Gregorian Calendar, with 68 days remaining.
Rio Grande do Sul is the southernmost state in Brazil. It is bordered on the north by the Brazilian state of Santa Catarina, on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, on the south by Uruguay, and on the west by Argentina.
..... Click the link for more information. and the former presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance, Vargas was "defeated" by Prestes in a disputed election earlier that year.
Vargas was a wealthy pro-industrial nationalist and anti-communist who favored capitalist development and liberal reforms, but actually posed little serious threat to the elite paulista gentry. Vargas's Liberal Alliance drew support from wide ranges of Brazil's burgeoning urban middle class and a group of tenentes On July 5, 1922, a group of young Brazilian army officers known as tenentes (lieutenants), staged several revolts in Brazil against the regime of its time. The men were fed up with the incompetence of the current regime and wanted to take action and initiate change. Major revolts broke out in Rio de Janeiro and in São Paulo, but were unsuccessful when the government forces suppressed the tenentes. By the late 1920s the challenges of army officers, middle-class groups, and urban workers threatened the stability of the regime. This forced the regime to reform policies and get involved in more economic changes for Brazil.
..... Click the link for more information. , who had grown frustrated to some extent with the politics of coronelismo Coronelismo was the system of machine politics in Brazil under the Old Republic (1889-1930).
Known also as the "rule of the coronels", the term referred to the classic boss system under which the control of patronage was centralized in the hands of a locally dominant oligarch known as a coronel, particularly under Brazil's Old Republic, who would dispense favors in return for loyalty.
..... Click the link for more information. and café com leite Café com leite or "coffee with milk" was a term that referred to the domination of the Brazil's politics under the Old Republic (1889-1930) by the landed gentries of São Paulo (dominated by the coffee industry) and Minas Gerais (dominated by dairy interests). São Paulo's coffee interests were by far the strongest of the pair.
Under Brazil's Old Republic (1889-1930), the patron-client political machines of the countryside enabled agrarian oligarchs, especially coffee planters in the dominant state of São Paulo to dominate state structures to their advantage, particularly the week central state structures that effectively devolved power to local agrarian oligarchies.
..... Click the link for more information. .
Although Vargas ran strictly from within the partisan elite during this unsuccessful 1930 campaign on a populist and protectionist platform, the coup d'état laid the foundations of a modern Brazil that is highly industrialized, but still considered a part of the Third World For the Jamaican reggae band see Third World (band)
Interim Presidency
Vargas would develop in response a sort of legal hybrid between the regimes of Mussolini
..... Click the link for more information. , his first steps focused on economic stimulus. A state interventionist policy utilising tax breaks, lowered duties, and import quotas allowed Vargas to expand the domestic industrial base. Vargas linked his pro-industrial policies to nationalism, advocating heavy tariffs to "perfect our manufacturers to the point where it will become unpatriotic to feed or clothe ourselves with imported goods." In his early years, Vargas also relied on the support of the tenentes, junior military officers, who had long been active against the ruling coffee oligarchy, staging their own failed revolt in 1922
Vargas also quelled a paulista female worker's strike by co-opting much of their platform and requiring their "factory commissions" to use government mediation in the future. Vargas, reflecting the influence of the tenentes, even advocated a program of social welfare and reform similar to the New Deal Alternate meaning: New Deal (UK) The New Deal was President Franklin D. Roosevelt's legislative agenda for rescuing the United States from the Great Depression. It was widely believed that the depression was caused by the inherent instability of the market and that government intervention was necessary to rationalize and stabilize the economy.
Constitution of 1934
The parallels between Vargas and the European police states began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with direct fascist influence.
Brazil's 1934 constitution, passed on July 16, contained provisions that resembled Italian corporatism, which had the enthusiastic support of the pro-fascist wing of the disparate tenente movement and industrialists, who were attracted to Mussolini's co-optation of unions through state-run, sham syndicates. As in Italy, and later Spain and Germany, Fascist-style programs would serve two important aims, stimulating industrial growth (under the guise of nationalism) and suppressing the left. Its stated purpose, however, as in Italy, was uniting all classes in mutual interests. The constitution established a new Chamber of Deputies that placed government authority over the private economy , which established a system of state-guided capitalism aimed at industrialization and reducing foreign dependency.
After 1934, the regime designated corporate representatives according to class and profession , but maintained private ownership of Brazilian-owned business. Based on a façade of increased labor rights and social investment, Brazilian corporatism, in Italy, was actually a strategy to increase industrial output utilizing a strong nationalist appeal. Vargas, and later Juan Peron in neighboring Argentina, another quasi-fascist, emulated Mussolini's strategy of mediating class disputes and co-opting workers' demands under the banner of nationalism. Under the guise of workers' rights also, he greatly expanded labor regulations with the consent of industry, pacified by strong industrial growth. While simultaneously expanding the mandated rights of workers, Vargas, like Mussolini, decimated unions independent of his state syndicates. The new constitution, drafted by Vargas allies, dramatically expanded social programs and set a minimum wage but also denied illiterates (largely the underclass) the right to vote and placed stringent limits on union organizing and “unauthorized” strikes.
Beyond corporatism, the 1934 constitution also heightened efforts to reduce provincial autonomy in the traditionally devolved, sprawling nation. Centralization allowed Vargas curb the oligarchic power of the landed paulista elites, who obstructed modernization through the regionalism, machine politics, and façade democracy of the Old Republic.
Vargas, the Integralists, and the Suppression of the Left
Threatened by pro-Communist elements in labor critical of the rural latifundios, Vargas reigned in his shaky alliance with labor and began formally co-opting the less intimidating fascist movement.
As he moved to the right after 1934, his ideological character and association with a global ideological orbit, however, remained ambiguous—reminiscent of the early phases of leftist leaders Fidel Castro and Daniel Ortega. To fill this ideological void and promote his new rightist policies, Vargas began moving against the tenentes while encouraging the growth of fascist paramilitaries. Integralism, founded and led by Plínio Salgado, who adopted Fascist and Nazi symbolism and salutes and wore a square mustache like Hitler, offered Vargas a new political base in his collation. A green-shirted paramilitary organization directly financed by Mussolini and Hitler, Integralism's propaganda campaigns were borrowed directly from Nazi materials —excoriations of Marxism, liberalism, and Jews that espoused fanatical nationalism (out of context in the heterogeneous and tolerant nation) and "Christian virtues."
Vargas tolerated this rise of anti-Semitism , and might have acted upon the Integralists' popularization of anti-Semitism. One example of his alleged anti-Semitism was the deportation of the pregnant, Jewish wife of Luís Carlos Prestes to Nazi Germany, where she would die in a concentration camp . Vargas's anti-Communism and increasing conservatism also encouraged an alliance between the government and the Catholic Church, similar to Mussolini's arrangement following the Lateran Pacts.
Vargas forced the Brazilian Congress to respond to the growth of the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL), a leftist collation led by the Communist Party and Luís Carlos Prestes. A revolutionary forerunner of Che Guevara, Prestes led the legendary but futile 'Long March' through the rural Brazilian interior following his participation in the failed 1922 tenente rebellion against the coffee oligarchs. This experience, however, left Prestes and some of his followers skeptical of armed conflict. Still, nonetheless, Congress branded all leftist opposition as “subversive” under a March 1935 National Security Act that allowed the President to ban the ANL, which was forced—reluctantly—to begin another armed insurrection in November. The authoritarian regime responded by imprisoning and torturing Prestes and violently crushing the Communist movement through the state terror like that of the European police states.
Although "the father of the poor" expanded the electorate, granted women's suffrage, enacted social security reforms, legalized labor unions as a populist, Vargas whittled down the autonomy of labor and crushed a series of peasant revolts known as the cangaço.
The Estado Novo
Like the European Fascists, Vargas utilized fears over Communism to justify personal dictatorship. The fascist “Estado Nôvo” dictatorship, modeled after Salazar fascist “Estado Novo” in Brazil's mother country, finally materialized in 1937, when Vargas was forced to step down as president by January 1938 because his own 1934 constitution prohibited the president from succeeding himself. On 29 September 1937, Gen. Dutra, his rightist collaborator, presented “the Cohen Plan” (note the Jewish surname) that established a detailed plan for a Communist revolution. The Cohen Plan was a mere forgery concocted by the Integralists, but Vargas exploited it to have Dutra publicly demand “a state of siege” in a chain of events redolent of the Reichstag fire, which Hitler presented as a Communist conspiracy to justify a dictatorship. On November 10, Vargas, ruling by decree, then made a broadcast in which he stated his plans to assume dictatorial powers under a new constitution derived from European fascist models , thereby curtailing presidential elections (his ultimate objections) and dissolving congress.
Vargas, like Hitler in the Weimar Republic and Mussolini in the postwar Kingdom of Italy, consolidated dictatorial powers by acting within the established political system, not in a single coup d'état or revolution.
Under the Estado Novo, Vargas abolished opposition political parties, imposed rigid censorship, established a centralized police force, and filled prisons with political dissidents, while evoking a sense of nationalism that transcended class and bound the masses to the state.
Vargas and the Axis Powers
The resemblance between the Estado Novo and the European police states suggested to some interwar observers that Vargas' regime was simply a variant of the European Fascist model. Brazil appeared to be entering the Axis orbit—even before the 1938 declaration of the overtly fascist Estado Nôvo. Between 1933 and 1938 Germany became the principal market for Brazilian cotton, and its second largest importer of Brazilian coffee and cacao. The German Bank for South America even established three hundred branches in Vargas's Brazil. In May 1941, after the invasions of Poland and the Soviet Union, and the beginnings of the Final Solution, Vargas sent a birthday telegram to Hitler, using it as opportunity to convey Brazilian ambiguity, playing both sides against each other. Vargas dispatched a telegram to Hitler saying, “best wishes for your personal happiness and the prosperity of the German nation”. Such periodic overtures to the Axis Powers, along with rapid increase in civilian and military trade between Brazil and Nazi Germany caused US officials to constantly ask, "What is Vargas like and where does he stand?"
Vargas eventually sided with the Allies and liberalized his regime. The shrewd, low-key, and reasoned pragmatist sided with the antifascist Allies after a period of ambiguity for economic reasons, since the Allies were more viable trading partners, and liberalized his regime because of complications arising from this alliance. Siding with the antifascist Allies created a paradox at home not unnoticed by Brazil's middle class (of a fascist-like regime joining the antifascist Allies) that Salazar and Franco avoided by maintaining nominal neutrality, allowing them to avoid both antifascist sentiment at home arising from siding with the Allies or annihilation by the Allies.
Vargas thus astutely responded to the newly liberal sentiments of a middle class that was no longer fearful of disorder and proletariat discontent by moving away from fascist repression—promising “a new postwar era of liberty” that included amnesty for political prisoners, presidential elections, and the legalization of opposition parties—including the moderated and irreparably weakened Communist Party. Historian Benjamin Keen believes that such political liberalization contributed to the downfall of the Estado Novo, being substantial enough to provoke a 1945 military coup d'état led by Dutra and Monteiro, who were alarmed with Vargas' growing ties with labor and the working classes.
Second Presidency
Vargas returned to politics in 1950, and through the free and secret ballot he was re-elected President of the Republic.
His Administration was hampered by the economic crisis that affected the country at that time. Vargas would pursue in the end of his term a nationalist policy turned to the country's natural resources, to a lesser foreigner dependency and, within this scope he founded the Petrobras (Brazilian oil).
The positions assumed by his political adversaries led to a crisis which culminated in the crime of "Rua Toneleiros where the Major Rubens Vaz was murdered." This fact aroused a reaction against Vargas and the Army generals demanded his resignation. Vargas had a last try, calling the ministry special meeting on the eve of August 24, but rumors spread the news that the armed forces officers were inflexible. Feeling himself incapable of maintaining the situation under control, Vargas committed suicide on August 24, 1954.
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joselino, a medical doctor, mineiro
the slogan "Fifty years of progress in five",
His five year tenure resulted in Brazil progressing by leaps and bounds. Among many projects he managed to complete was Brasília Brasília is the capital city of Brazil. It is a planned city, and was built in 41 months from 1956 till inauguration on April 21, 1960. The construction of the city was ordered by President Juscelino Kubitschek. The main urban planner was Lúcio Costa, chief architect of most the public buildings was Oscar Niemeyer, and landscape designer was Roberto Burle Marx. The city plan was based on the ideas of Le Corbusier.
..... Click the link for more information. , the new capital of Brazil, located in the heart of the country. He also completed major road construction, as well as founding Brazil's automotive industry. The economy boomed.
died in 1976
t was then known as the Republic of the United States of Brazil
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